Trump says he wants to meet whistleblower: 'I deserve to meet my accuser'. On another frenetic day of political exchanges, Democrats sought to engineer a fast start to their impeachment efforts as their chances of political success hinge on early momentum to keep the White House off balance. Trump however led a ferocious fight back over the weekend, lashing out at Democrats, the media and the whistleblower as some of his top allies battled through a series of contentious appearances on Sunday talk shows. On Sunday night, it emerged that lawyers for the whistleblower wrote to the chairmen and ranking members of the House and Senate Intelligence Committees and Director of National Intelligence Joseph Maguire to express "serious concerns" for their client.
More coverage on impeachment inquiry. The phases of Trump's coming impeachment proceedings Trump's Ukraine scandal: Who's who? More than half the House of Representatives support impeachment inquiry Here's what Republican senators are saying about the whistleblower complaint. On that occasion, the President said the person that gave the whistleblower the information was "close to a spy" and hinted at the possibility of execution for such behavior.
The letter from the lawyers emerged after House Intelligence Committee chairman Adam Schiff Sunday said he had reached a deal to secure testimony from the whistleblower. An attorney for the whistleblower said discussions were continuing. Big Consequences! The President also called for Schiff to be questioned for fraud and treason.
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Adam Kinzinger to offer a rebuke. This is beyond repugnant," Kinzinger tweeted. The White House, which seemed caught off guard in a wild week that saw House Speaker Nancy Pelosi open the impeachment inquiry , hit back hard in a bid to discredit allegations that the President abused his power by seeking dirt from Ukraine on a potential opponent, Joe Biden.
But Pelosi told her caucus on a conference call Sunday that they should try to be non-partisan about the impeachment process. It's not about partisanship. It's about patriotism," she said. That's about the election. This is about the Constitution. The speedy escalation of the political war was remarkable, given that it is only a week since Schiff declared Trump had "crossed the Rubicon" in his dealings with Ukraine President Volodymyr Zelensky.
Democrats and the White House are now locked in a historic confrontation that will test the US political system to its limits and will shape the destiny of the election. Democrats are under pressure to produce a concise impeachment probe that keeps a tight focus on Trump's alleged wrongdoing and makes a clear case to Americans. To that end, Pelosi has made Schiff the primary face of the investigation after a Judiciary Committee hearing with Trump's ex-campaign manager Corey Lewandowski this month turned into a farce.
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Speed is important because a failure to decide whether the full House will vote on Articles of Impeachment within months could overshadow Democratic primaries when the party's candidates hope to be talking about health care and economic inequality -- issues that preoccupy voters -- rather than Trump. Still, any sign that Democrats are rushing could play into GOP claims that they have decided to impeach the President wherever the evidence leads.
While Republicans are unlikely to vote to convict Trump in a Senate trial, Democrats hope to persuade general election voters he's unfit for office and to heap pressure on GOP Senate candidates in swing states who may not relish a vote to acquit Trump. But the longer Trump can drag the impeachment intrigue out, the better it may be for his political fortunes. With time, he can crank up efforts to discredit the impeachment probe with the help of the conservative media machine - a tactic that worked well in shaping perceptions of the Mueller probe.
The President will also seek to change the subject -- perhaps with big ticket foreign policy goals that could bolster his argument that he's doing the people's business and should not be impeached. The White House will also likely make expansive executive privilege claims and fight in court to frustrate Democrats and build public frustration with the impeachment saga.
And the President can put claims that Democrats are trying to subvert the result of the election at the center of his rallies to fire up his loyal supporters as approaches. As the pace heats up in Washington, former US special envoy to Ukraine Kurt Volker — who resigned last week — plans to appear for a deposition before three House committees on Thursday.
Volker is a long-time Republican foreign policy hand who was close to late Sen. This could be a wild card moment for the White House, which may seek to exert privilege over the ambassador's dealings with Ukraine on behalf of Trump. Schiff said Sunday that he also expects the whistleblower to testify "very soon" following negotiations focusing partly on how to preserve his or her anonymity and security.
CNN reported on Wednesday the potential testimony is dependent on the whistleblower's attorneys getting security clearances. In the complaint, judged credible by a Trump-appointed intelligence community inspector general, the whistleblower alleged the President tried to get Ukraine to interfere in the election and the White House tried to cover it up. Trump has repeatedly denied that he did anything wrong, saying his call with Zelensky was "perfect. Ohio Rep.
Jim Jordan, in a contentious exchange with Jake Tapper on CNN's "State of the Union" tried to make the issue about Biden and his son Hunter who was on the board of a Ukrainian energy firm when his father was vice president. Daddy comes running to the rescue. The vice president of the United States comes running in and says, 'Fire that prospector,'" Jordan said.
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But people felt that they were not full-fledged members of the collective. At my work place — I was a book keeper —, I always sensed that the attitude towards me was different from the attitude towards the evacuees. A woman who had worked in a briquette factory under German rule recalled her stressful experiences after the war:.
When our troops arrived, we were terrorized because we had stayed in occupied territory. We were despised because we had lived under German occupation. Later, when I went to the social security office, I was told that I had worked for the Germans. I am suffering terribly from this. Yes, I am even scared to remember these things.
It was horrible. We were despised. Were we criminals in any way? Nevertheless, these millions of Soviet citizens who had lived in occupied territory avoided to speak openly about their war experiences for decades. The families often were the only place where these things could be addressed. Many interviews give evidence that memories were passed on in the families from generation to generation. These stories were not to be told outside of the narrow private family circle, as one interviewee reported:.
My grandmother always raised us to keep silent about the things which were spoken about at home. That is what she taught us. She was a very smart woman. For the first time, Stalinist crimes could be researched and discussed. Several interviewees thus mentioned that they had only recently learned about them, and they incorporated this new knowledge in their accounts.
Furthermore it might be of importance that the interview project coincided with the German Forced Labour Compensation Programmme during the years As a result, former forced labourers were for the first time acknowledged as victims of National Socialism in their homeland societies. Numerous memoirs in prose or verse by former Ostarbeiter were published and theatre plays on the topic performed in the Ukrainian capital Kiev. At the same time, it must be noted that after the collapse of the Soviet Union, many elderly people in Ukraine suffered from poverty and very hard economic conditions.
Telling about the past often proceeds from an individual need for identity building. Again, the interview practice shows that in the countries of the former Soviet Union the situation seems to be special. Interviewees often recalled events that were not mentioned in Soviet historiography and official Soviet memory culture at all. More often than not, there exist no archival documents on these facts. Some accounts are in keeping with the new post-Soviet Ukrainian historiography, which after the collapse of the Soviet Union initiated a comprehensive revision of Soviet historiography, especially with regard to Stalinist crimes.
However, the accounts sometimes come onto aspects of the history of the occupation that are still tabooed in Ukrainian historiography, as for example the question of collaboration. In these cases the interviews represent an impressive counter-narrative to the official version. This narrative has partly been passed on by family memory to the next generation. Memories which conflict with official memory are often confined to the privacy of family. But they still show the inner limits of totalitarian regimes.
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As Aleida Assmann has noted quite judiciously, positivistic historiography reaches its limits where archival resources are lacking, and here oral testimonies can help overcome these boundaries. According to the official Soviet version, the city was captured on 26 October after several days of serious street battles, in which more than 50, German soldiers were captured, killed or injured. Contrary to that, several former citizens of Stalino reported in their interviews that the city was captured by the Germans on 20 October and almost without a fight. This version is confirmed by German documents.
They had been sentenced to prison under the Stalinist labour discipline law. All these prisoners were shot by the NKVD during retreat. Other interviewees reported about the planned destruction of the coal mines:. They came to blow up the mine. A command of sappers arrived and they blasted away at the mine. At that time people ran to the mine, everybody came to the mine. What shall we live on? You will leave and what shall we live on? Shall we starve?
But then there was an encirclement.
All the people were dispersed, the mine was blown up and two days later the Germans arrived. The burning of the grain was perceived by many interviewees as a symbol of the fact that the population was virtually left to its own devices and exposed to hunger and starvation. The Soviet side on its part had always emphasized the large-scale destruction wreaked by the Germans during their retreat from Donbass two years later.
We will also analyze how respondents depicted the Germans and local collaborators. I remember every single day.